MEMOIR ON THE GALCIT ROCKET RESEARCH PROJECT , 1936-38
Frank J.Malina
6 June
1967
I.
INTRODUCTION
The following recollections are
based on memory, on unpublished documents, and on published material
available to me. I present them fully recognizing the fallibility of
memory, and the unavoidable injection of personal evaluations and
judgments. Although already in 1936, in our youthful enthusiasm, we
were convinced that rocket research for space exploration was
important, we made no systematic effort to preserve our papers and
photographic records.
My interest in space
exploration was first aroused when I read Jules Vernes De la
terre à la lune in the Czech language as a boy of twelve
in Czechoslovakia where my family lived from 1920-1925. On our return
to Texas I followed reports on rocket work which appeared from time
to time in popular magazines. In 1933, I wrote the following
paragraph for a Technical English course at Texas A&M College
:
" Can man do what he can
imagine ? " - Now that man has conquered travel through the air
his imagination has turned to inter-planetary travel. Many prominent
scientists of today say that travel through space to the Moon or to
Mars is impossible. Others say, " What man can imagine he can
do. " Many difficulties present themselves to interplanetary
travel. The great distance separating the heavenly bodies would
require machines of tremendous speeds, if the distances are to be
traversed during the life-time of one man. Upon arrival at one of
these planets the traveller would require breathing apparatus, for
the astronomers do not believe the atmosphere on these planets will
support human life as our atmosphere does. If a machine left the
earth, its return would be practically impossible, and those on the
earth would never know if the machine reached its
destination. "
In 1934, I received a
scholarship to study mechanical engineering at the California
Institute of Technology. Before the end of my first year there I
began part-time work as a member of the crew of the GALCIT
(Guggenheim Aeronautical Laboratory, California Institute of
Technology) ten-foot wind tunnel. This led to my appointment in
1935 as a Graduate Assistant in GALCIT.
The Guggenheim Laboratory, at
this time, a few years after its founding, was recognized as one of
the worlds centers of aeronautical instruction and research.
Under the leadership of Theodore von Karman (1881-1963), GALCIT
specialized in aerodynamics, fluid mechanics, and
structures
2. Von
Karmans senior staff included Clark B. Millikan (1903-1966),
Ernest E. Sechler, and Arthur L. Klein.
The laboratory , already at
this time, was carrying out studies on the problems of high speed
flight, and the limits of the propeller-engine propulsion system for
aircraft were beginning to be clearly recognized.
In 1935-36, William W. Jenney
and I conducted experiments with model propellers in the wind tunnel
for our masters theses. My mind turned more and more to the
possibilities of rocket propulsion while we analysed the
characteristics of propellers.
In March, 1935, at one of the
weekly GALCIT seminars, William Bollay (then a graduate assistant to
von Karman) reviewed the possibilities of a rocket-powered aircraft
based upon a paper published in December, 1934, by Eugen Sänger
(1905-1964), who was then working in Vienna
3). The following
October Bollay gave a lecture before the Institute of the
Aeronautical Sciences in Los Angeles on the subject, which he
concluded by saying :
" The present
calculations show that we can achieve - by means of rocket planes -
higher velocities and reach greater heights than by any other method
known so far. The high velocities should prove an attraction to the
sportsman, to the military authorities, and perhaps to a few
commercial enterprises. The high ceiling is of great interest to the
meteorologist and the physicist. There are thus potent reasons for
the further development of the rocket plane. I hope I have shown by
these calculations that the idea of the rocket plane is not so
fantastic as that it appears and that at present it appears just at
the border of the practically attainable and is certainly worthwhile
working for. On the other hand, it seems improbable that the rocket
plane will be a very hopeful contender with the airplane in ordinary
air passenger transportation. For this purpose, the stratosphere
plane seems eminently more suitable. "
Local newspapers reported on
Bollays lecture which resulted in attracting to GALCIT two rocket
enthusiasts - John W. Parsons (19 - 1952) and Edward S. Forman.
Parsons was a self-trained chemist who, although he lacked the
discipline of a formal higher education, had an uninhibited fruitful
imagination. He loved poetry and the exotic aspects of life. Forman,
a skilled mechanic, had been working with Parsons for some time on
powder rockets. They wished to build a liquid-propellant rocket
motor, but found that they lacked adequate technical and financial
resources for the task.They hoped to find help at Caltech. They were
sent to me, and then this story began, leading to the establishment
of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory
4
II. FORMATION OF THE GALCIT
ROCKET RESEARCH PROJECT
After discussion with Bollay,
Parsons, and Forman, I prepared in February, 1936, a program of work
whose objective was the design of a high-altitude sounding rocket
propelled by either a solid- or liquid-propellant rocket
engine.
We reviewed the literature
published by the first generation of space flight pioneers
-Ziolkowsky (1852-1935), Goddard (1882-1945), Esnault-Pelterie
(1881-1957) and Oberth
5. In scientific
circles, this literature was generally regarded more in the nature of
science fiction, primarily because the gap between the experimental
demonstration of rocket-engine capabilities and the actual
requirements of rocket propulsion for space flight was so
fantastically great. This negative attitude extended to rocket
propulsion itself, in spite of the fact that Goddard realistically
faced the situation by deciding to apply this type of propulsion to a
vehicle for carrying instruments to altitudes in excess of those that
can be reached by balloons - an application for an engine of much
more modest performance.
We were especially impressed by
Sängers report of having achieved an exhaust velocity of 10,000
ft/sec. (specific impulse of 310) with light fuel oil and gaseous
oxygen
6. Unfortunately,
we were never able to understand the method Sänger used for
presenting his experimental results.
We concluded from our review of
the existing information on rocket engine design, including the
results of the experiments of the American Rocket Society,
that it was not possible to design an engine to meet specified
performance requirements for a sounding rocket, which would surpass
the altitudes attainable with balloons. It appeared evident to us,
after much argument, that until one could design a workable engine
with a reasonable specific impulse there was no point in devoting
effort to the design of the rocket shell, propellant supply,
stabilizer, launching method, payload parachute, etc.
We therefore set as our initial
program the following : (a) theoretical studies of the
thermodynamical problems of the reaction principle and of the flight
performance requirements of a sounding rocket ; and (b) elementary
experiments of liquid-and solid-propellant rocket engines to
determine the problems to be met in making accurate static tests.
This approach was in the spirit of von Karmans teaching. He
always stressed the importance of the spirit of von Karmans
teaching. He always stressed the importance of getting as clear as
possible an understanding of the fundamental physical principles of a
problem before initiating experiments in a purely empirical manner,
which can be very expensive in both time and money.
Parsons and Forman were not too
pleased with an austere program that did not include the launching,
at least, of model rockets. They could not resist the temptation of
firing some models with black powder motors during the next three
years. Their attitude is symptomatic of the anxiety of pioneers of
new technological developments. In order to obtain support for their
dreams, they are under pressure to demonstrate them before they can
be technically accomplished. Thus one finds during this period
attempts to make rocket flights, which, doomed to be disappointing,
made support even more difficult to obtain.
The undertaking we had set for
ourselves required, at a minimum, informal permission from Caltech
and from the Guggenheim Laboratory before we could begin. In March I
proposed to C.B. Millikan that I continue my studies leading to a
doctorate and that my thesis be devoted to studies of the problems of
rocket propulsion and of sounding rocket flight performance. He was,
however, dubious about the future of rocket propulsion, and suggested
I should, instead, take one of many engineering positions available
in the aircraft industry at that time. His advice was, no doubt, also
influenced by the fact that GALCIT was then carrying out no research
on aircraft power plants. I would like to add that later he actively
supported our work.
I knew that my hopes rested
finally with von Karman, the director of GALCIT. Only much later did
I learn that already in the 1920s, in Germany, he had given a
sympathetic hearing to discussions of the possibilities of rocket
propulsion, and that in 1927 he had included in his lectures in Japan
a reference to the problems needing solution before space flight
became possible. He was at this time studying the aero-dynamics of
aircraft at high speeds, and was well aware of the need for a
propulsion system which would surmount the limitations of the
engine-propeller combination.
After considering my proposals
for a few days, he agreed to them. He also gave permission for
Parsons and Forman to work with me, even though they were neither
students nor on the staff at Caltech. This decision was typical of
his unorthodox attitude within the academic world. He pointed out,
however, that he could not find funds in the budget of the Laboratory
for the construction of experimental apparatus.
At Caltech we were given
further moral support by Robert A. Millikan (1868-1953), then head of
the Institute, who was interested in the possibilities of using
sounding rockets in his cosmic ray research, and by Irving P. Krick,
then head of meteorological research and instruction.
During the next three years we
received no pay for our work, and during the first year we bought
equipment, some secondhand, with whatever money we could pool
together. Most of our work was done on week-ends or at
night.
We began for our first
experiments the construction of auruncooled rocket motor
similar in design to one that had been previously tried by the
American Rocket Society. For propellants we chose gaseous
oxygen and methyl alcohol.
Our work in the spring of 1936
attracted to our group two GALCIT graduate students, A.M.O. Smith and
Hsue Shen Tsien. Smith was working on his masters degree in
aeronautics. Tsien, who became one of the outstanding pupils of von
Karman was working on his doctorate. Smith and I began a theoretical
analysis of flight performance of a sounding rocket, while Tsien and
I began studies of the thermodynamic problems of the rocket
motor.
The work of our group, once it
was approved by von Karman, had the benefit of advice from von Karman
himself, C.B. Millikan, and other GALCIT staff members. We realized
from the start that rocket research would require the ideas of many
brains in many fields of applied science.
I was very fortunate at this
time to enter von Karmans inner circle of associates because he
needed someone to prepare illustrations for the textbook "
Mathematical Methods in Engineering", which he was writing with
Maurice A. Biot. Bollay had been assisting von Karman with the
manuscript of the book, and introduced me to him. When Bollay left
for Harvard University in 1937, I also inherited his job of "
caretaker " of the manuscript.
Thereafter, I worked with von
Karman on many projects until his death on 1963. In a way he became
my second father. We worked so closely together during the formative
years of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, until he went to
Washington in 1944, that it is not always possible to separate the
contribution either of us made to technical and organizational
developments during the period 1939-1944.
It is necessary to point out,
however, that during the period of the GALCIT Rocket Research Project
the initiative rested with our group, and it fell to me to hold the
group together.
III. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE
PROJECT AND R.H. GODDARD
The group heard with excitement
in the summer of 1936 that Robert H. Goddard would come to Caltech in
August to visit R.A. Millikan. Millikan was a member of a committee
appointed by the Daniel and Florence Guggenheim Foundation to advise
on the support given by the Foundation to Goddard for the development
of a sounding rocket. Millikan arranged for me to have a short
discussion with Goddard on 28 August, during which I told him of our
hopes and research plans. I also arranged to visit him at Roswell,
New Mexico, the next month, when I was going for a holiday to my
parents home in Brenham, Texas
7. I believe it
was before Goddards arrival in Pasadena that Millikan had
already written for me a letter of introduction to him in connection
with the possibility of my visiting his Roswell station.
In Milton Lehmans
biography of Goddard This High Man
8 there is a
rather strange account of my visit to Roswell. No mention is made of
the fact that R.A. Millikan had arranged for me to meet with Goddard
during his visit to Caltech. Part of the account by Lehman reads
:
" The Californian
(R.A.Millikan) was not so easily sidetracked. The Goddards had no
sooner returned to Mescalero Ranch at the end of August than they
found one of Caltechs graduate students waiting to see the
professor. The same day Goddard received a note from Millikan asking
him to extend " all possible courtesies " to the young student, Frank
J. Malina "
My recollections of my visit to
Roswell are that both Dr. and Mrs. Goddard received me cordially. My
day with him consisted of a tour of his shop (where I was not shown
any components of his sounding rocket), of a drive to his launching
range to see his launching tower and 200 llb. thrust static test
stand, and of a general discussion during and after lunch. He did not
wish to give any technical details of his current work beyond that
which he had published in his 1936 Smithsonian Institution report,
with which I was already familiar. This report was of a very general
nature, and of limited usefulness to serious students of the
subject
9.
On 1 October 1936, I wrote to
Goddard :
" I have just returned to
the Institute after several weeks in Texas. I wish to thank you and
your wife for the hospitality shown me and you for your kindness in
allowing me to inspect that part of your work which you considered
permissible under the circumstances ".
I recall two special
impressions he made on me. The first was a bitterness towards the
press. He showed me a clipping of an editorial that had appeared in
the New York Times several years earlier which ridiculed him,
saying that a professor of physics should know better than to make
space flight proposals as they violated Einsteins laws ! He
appeared to suffer keenly from such nonsense directed at
him.
The second impression I
obtained was that he felt that rockets were his private preserve, so
that any others working on them took on the aspect of intruders. He
did not appear to realize that in other countries there were men who
had arrived independently of him at the same basic ideas for rocket
propulsion, as so frequently happens in the history of technology.
His attitude caused him to turn his back on the scientific tradition
of communication of results through established scientific journals,
and instead he spent much time on patents, especially after he
published his classic Smithsonian Institution report of 1919 on
" A Method of Reaching Extreme Altitudes ".
As I departed, Goddard
suggested that I come to work with him at Roswell when I completed my
studies at Caltech. This was intriguing to me ; however, by the time
I completed my doctorate in 1940, we had obtained governmental
support for rocket research and were building an effective research
establishment.
A year later I wrote to Goddard
in connection with an analysis of the flight performance of a
sounding rocket with a constant thrust, which Smith and I were
carrying out. He answered on 19 October 1937, as follows :
" I have your letter of the
fourteenth relative to data for your study of vertical rocket
flight.
" The gyroscopically stabilized
flights described in the report to which you refer were, as therein
stated, for stabilization during the period of propulsion, and not
thereafter, and the trajectories were accordingly not vertical
throughout the flights. The data regarding heights and speeds, while
sufficiently accurate to describe the performance in general terms,
would therefore hardly be satisfactory for exact calculations made
under the assumption that the flights were vertical. Further, thrusts
were not measured when the rockets were used for flights, and I have
reason to believe that we did not always have the high efficiencies,
in flight, that we obtained in certain of the static
tests.
" As stated in the paper, the
main object was to obtain stabilization and satisfactory performance
in flight, and I should prefer to have any analysis of performance
made for flights in which height was the main consideration. We have
had further stabilized flights since the paper was written, but the
work is not yet sufficiently complete for publication.
" The rockets used in the
flights described were all 9 inches in diameter, and the initial
altitude was about 4000 feet. "
In a letter home dated 23
October, I wrote :
" Smith and I are working on
the performance paper sporadically. I wrote to Goddard for some data
not long ago ; an answer arrived during the week. He wrote that he
did not have the data desired. We have some data on his flights we
want to use in our paper ; now we are in a quandary over its use. We
may write the paper as originally planned and let Goddard read it
before publishing.
On 7 June 1938, I wrote home as
follows :
" Had lunch at the Athenaeum
with the head of the A.P. science news service last Wednesday. He is
making a trip across the country looking for the spectacular. He saw
Goddard and was impressed. Judging by his write-up of what he saw,
Goddard is almost at the same place he was 2 years ago. We find it
difficult to understand Goddard "s method of attack of the whole
research. Dont think it is the result of personal jealousy on
our part. It would be to our benefit if he did get something
significant.
10"
On 26 September 1938, I wrote
as follows :
" The research is bogged down ;
however, some interesting news was brought by Karman from New York.
(By the way, for some reason he thought I was going to be at the
meeting in Boston). While in New York Karman and Clark Millikan had a
conference with Guggenheim and Goddard upon the latters
invitation. It seems Goddard is beginning to believe that perhaps our
groups may be of some use to him. Karman told him that we would be
glad to co-operate with him if he kept no secrets from us. Dont
know what will develop. Goddard may come to Pasadena in a couple of
months."
Von Karman in his autobiography
The Wind and Beyond writes :
" The trouble with secrecy is
that one can easily go in the wrong direction and never know it. I
heard, for instance, that Goddard spent three or four years
developing a gyroscope for his sounding rocket. This is a waste of
time, because a high-altitude rocket does not need a complex tool
like a gyroscope for stabilization in flight. At the start the rocket
can be stabilized by a launching tower somewhat taller than the one
Goddard actually used. After emerging from the tower, if it has been
boosted to enough speed, it can be stabilized accurately enough with
fixed fins. Malina and his Jet Propulsion Laboratory team
demonstrated this in 1945 when they launched the WAC Corporal,
Americas first successful high-altitude rocket, to a height of
250,000 feet.
" I believe Goddard became
bitter in his later years because he had had no real success with
rockets, while Aerojet-General Corporation and other organizations
were making an industry out of them. There is no direct line from
Goddard to present-day rocketry. He is on a branch that died. He was
an inventive man and had a good scientific foundation ; but he was
not a creator of science, and he took himself too seriously. If we
had taken others into his confidence, I think he would have developed
workable high-altitude rockets and his achievements would have been
greater than they were. But not listening to, or communicating with,
other qualified people hindered his accomplishments
11".
With this background to the
relations between Goddard and the Project, a summary of his effect on
our work can be made. This appears needed, for erroneous impressions
exist as to his influence on rocket research at Caltech.
As I pointed out earlier, the
stimulus leading to the formation of the GALCIT Rocket Research
Project was Sängers work in Vienna. Like Goddard, our
group at first believed that the most promising practical application
of rocket propulsion would be a sounding rocket for research of the
upper atmosphere, which was of interest at Caltech in connection with
cosmic ray studies and with meteorology requirements. Actually it did
not turn out this way, for the first application of rocket power we
successfully made was in assisting the take-off of
aircrafts.
Our group studied and repeated
some of Goddards work with smokeless powder, impulse-time
motors, upon which he reported in his Smithsonian report of
1910
12.Work on this
type of solid-propellant rocket motor was, however, dropped by the
group in 1939 in favor of developing one of constant-pressure,
constant-thrust type. Goddards smokeless powder rocket engine
did, however, find application in armament rockets during World War
II.
To the best of my recollection,
we studied only a few of the patents he had made up to that time.
Patents, as is well known, are not equivalent to know-how, and rarely
provide the analytical basis for engineering design. His
publications, together with those of Tsiolkowsky, Esnault-Pelterie,
Oberth, and Sänger, provided important leads, but much work
remained to be done before rocket engines became a useful
reality.
There is no doubt that had
Goddard been willing to co-operate with our Caltech group, his many
years of experience would have had a strong influence on our work. As
it happened, our group independently initiated the development of
different liquid and solid propellents from those that Goddard
studied. When finally in 1944 I initiated the construction of the WAC
CORPORAL sounding rocket at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, it bore
little technical relation to Goddards sounding rocket of 1936,
about which we still did not have any detailed
information.
IV. RESEARCH UNDERTAKEN BY
THE GROUP
On 29 October, 1936, the first
try of the portable test equipment was made for the gaseous oxygen -
methyl alcohol rocket motor in the area of the Arroyo Seco back of
Devils Gate Dam on the western edge of Pasadena California - a
stones throw from the present-day Jet Propulsion Laboratory. I
learned several years later from Clarence N. Hickman that he and
Goddard had conducted smokeless-powder armament rocket experiments at
this same location during World War I.
On 1 November, I wrote home as
follows :
" This has been a very busy
week . We made our first test on the rocket motor yesterday. It is
almost inconceivable how much there is to be done and thought of to
make as simple a test as we made. We have been thinking about it for
about 6 months now, although we had to get all the equipment together
in two days, not by choice, but because there are classes, and hours
in the wind tunnel to be spent. Friday we drove back and forth to Los
Angles picking up pressure tanks, fittings and instruments. Saturday
morning at 3.30 a.m. we felt the setup was along far enough to go
home and snatch 3 hours of sleep. At 9 a.m. an Institute truck took
our heaviest parts to the Arroyo, about 3 miles above the Rose Bowl,
where we found an ideal location. Besides Parsons and me, there were
two students working in the N.Y.A. working for us. It was 1 p.m.
before all our holes were dug, sand bags filled, and equipment
minutely checked. By then Carlos Wood and Rockefeller had arrived
with two of the box type movie cameras for recording the action of
the motor. Bill Bollay and his wife also came to watch from behind
the dump.
" Very many things happened
that will teach us what to do next time. The most excitement took
place on the last " shot " when the oxygen hose for some reason
ignited and swung around on the ground, 40 feet from us. We all tore
out across the country wondering if our check valves would work.
Unfortunately Carlos and Rocky had to leave just before this " shot "
so that we have no record on film of what happened. As a whole the
test was successful "
13.
A number of tests were made
with this transportable experimental setup ; the last one on 16
January 1937 when the motor ran for 44 seconds at a chamber pressure
of 75 lb/sq.in
14.
In March 1937, Smith and I
completed our analysis of the flight performance of a constant-thrust
sounding rocket. The results were so encouraging that our Project
obtained from von Karman the continued moral support of GALCIT. We
were authorized to conduct small-scale rocket motor tests in the
laboratory. This permitted us to reduce the time we wasted putting up
and taking down the transportable equipment we had used in the Arroyo
Seco. Von Karman also asked me to give a report on the results of our
first years work at the GALCIT seminar at the end of
April.
The unexpected result of the
seminar was the offer of the first financial support four our
Project. Weld Arnold (1895-1962), then an assistant in the
Astrophysical Laboratory at Caltech, came to me and said than in
return for his being permitted to work with our group as a
photographer he would make a contribution of $1,000 for our work. His
offer was accepted with alacrity, for our Project was
destitute.
This enabled Parsons and me to
give up our effort to write an anti-war novel with a plot, of course,
revolving around the work of a group of rocket engineers. We had
hoped to sell it for a large sum to a Hollywood studio as a basis for
a movie script to support the work of the project! This was of some
relief to me, for I could then spend less time in Parsons house,
where he was accumulating tetranitromethane in his
kitchen.
Arnold, who commuted the 5
miles between Glendale and Caltech by bicycle, brought the first $100
for our project in one and five dollar bills in a bundle wrapped in
newspaper ! We never learned how he had accumulated them. When I
placed the bundle on the desk of C.B. Millikan with the question "
How do we open a fund at Caltech for our project ? " he was
flabbergasted.
What has been called the
original GALCIT rocket research group was now complete. It consisted
of Parsons, Forman, Smith, Tsien, Arnold and myself. In June 1937,
studies made by the group up to that time, including Bollays
paper of 1935, were collected together into what our group called its
" bible "
15.
The " bible " contained the
following papers :
a. " Proposed Investigations of
the GALCIT Rocket Research Project ; Discussions of Laboratory for
Conducting Tests, and Reports of Experiments Conducted during the
Fall of 1936 " by F.J. Malina, 10 April 1937.
b. " Analysis of the Rocket
Motor ", by F.J. Malina, 10 April 1937.
c. " The Effect of Angle of
Divergence of Nozzle on the Thrust of a Rocket Motor ; Ideal Cycle of
a Rocket Motor ; Ideal Rocket Efficiency and Ideal Thrust ;
Calculation of Chamber Temperature with Dissociation " by H.S.Tsien,
29 May 1937
d. " A Consideration of the
Applicability of Various Substances as Fuels for Jet Propulsion "
J.W. Parsons, 10 June 1937.
e. " Rocket Performance "
(Rocket Shell as a Body of Revolution), F.J. Malina and A.M.O. Smith,
15 April 1937.
f. " Performance of the Rocket
Plane " W. Bollay (1935).
The paper on the performance of
a sounding rocket by Smith and myself became in 1938 the first paper
published by the Institute of Aeronautical Sciences (now American
Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics) in the field of rocket
flight
16. Smith and I
had worked on this paper for many days and nights. On 13 December
1937, I wrote home :
" Smith and I were much
disappointed last week when we found a French paper with a study
similar to ours. Have decided not to send our paper to France
(REP-Hirsch Prize competition). The finding does not affect the N.Y.
presentation.
" Caltech has been rather
unlucky in having other men beat them to publications. My room-mate
also has the same misfortune.
17"
The French paper referred to
above was " Les Fusées Volantes Météorologiques
" published in October 1936 by Willy Ley and Herbert Schaefer in
LAerophile
18. Smiths
and my paper was, however, more general in discussing the influence
of design parameters and more suitable for application to particular
cases of a sounding rocket propelled by a constant thrust rocket
engine.
My paper on the analysis of the
rocket motor, including Tsiens calculation of the effect of the
angle of divergence of the exhaust nozzle on the thrust of a rocket
motor, was published by the Journal of the Franklin Institute
in 1940
19.
The paper by Parsons led
eventually to the development of red fuming nitric acid as a storable
oxidizer, and he also anticipated the use of boron hybrid as a fuel.
Many of his suggestions were incorporated in patents which he and I
prepared in 1943 and assigned to the Aerojet General Corporation of
which we were co-founders in 1942
20 .
When von Karman gave the group
permission to make small scale experiments of rocket motors at
GALCIT, we decided to mount a motor and propellant supply on a bob of
a 50-feet ballistic pendulum, using the deflection of the pendulum to
measure thrust. The pendulum was suspended from the third floor of
the Laboratory with the bob in the basement. It was planned to make
tests with various oxidizer-fuel combinations.
We selected the combination of
methyl alcohol and nitrogen dioxide for our initial try. Our first
mishap occurred when Smith and I were trying to get a quantity of the
nitrogen dioxide from a cylinder that we had placed on the lawn in
front of the Caltech Gates Chemistry Building. The valve on the
cylinder jammed, causing a fountain of the corrosive liquid to erupt
from the cylinder all over the lawn. This left a brown patch there
for several weeks, to the irritation of the gardener.
When we finally tried an
experiment with the motor on the pendulum, there was a misfire, with
the result that a cloud of NO2-alcohol mixture permeated
most of GALCIT, leaving behind a thin layer of rust on much of the
permanent equipment of the Laboratory. We were told to move our
apparatus outside the building at once. We also were thereafter known
at Caltech as the
" Suicide Squad ".
We remounted the pendulum in
the open from the roof of the building and obtained a limited amount
of useful information. We made the first, or one of the first,
experiments in America with a rocket motor using a storable liquid
oxidizer. On the basis of this experience with nitrogen dioxide,
Parsons later developed red-fuming nitric acid as a storable oxidizer
which is still being used today.
Although rocket research
unavoidably involves experimentation of a dangerous nature, to my
knowledge no one has suffered a fatal injury up to the present day at
JPL. Unfortunately, Parsons familiarity with explosives led to
contempt, and in 1952, when moving his Pasadena home laboratory to
Mexico, he dropped a fulminate of mercury cap which exploded and
killed him. I wish to take this occasion to express my appreciation
for his work, which was of great significance in the history of the
development of American rocket technology, both as regards storable
liquid propellants and composite solid propellants
21.
During this period Tsien and I
continued our theoretical studies of the Thermodynamic
characteristics of a rocket motor. To check our results, steps were
taken to design and construct a test stand for a small rocket motor
burning gaseous oxygen and ethylene gas. Von Karman reviewed our
plans and agreed that we could build the apparatus on a platform on
the eastern side of GALCIT. (In 1939 this apparatus exploded. I
escaped serious injury only because von Karman called me to bring him
a typewriter at his home. Parsons and Forman were shaken up but
unhurt.)
Smith made simple experiments
to determine the material from which we should make the exhaust
nozzle of the motor. He describes these experiments as follows in a
recent letter to me:
" Sometime, perhaps in the
1937-38 school year, perhaps before ( it was in the spring of 1938),
we began investigation of materials - ceramics, metals, carborundum,
etc. I developed a standard-simple test. I would use the largest tip
(n°10, I believe) on an oxy-acetylene torch and play it over a
specimen for one minute. Some super refractors spalled and popped
like a pan of popcorn and some just melted. You obtained a 1/2 " cube
of molydenum and I tested that. It did not melt, but when I removed
the neutral protecting atmosphere of the torch, before my very eyes I
watched it literally go up in smoke. While cooling, it dwindled from
about a 1/2" cube to a 1/4 " cube giving off a dense white smoke. As
part of this phase you and I visited the Vitrefax Corporation in
Huntington Park to get help from them about super refractories. One
important refractory was forcefully brought to our attention. We
watched them make mullite and saw large graphite electrodes working
unscathed in large pots of boiling super refractory. This opened our
eyes to the possibilities of graphite. It tested well under the
torch. Later, shortly before I left Caltech in June, 1938, I happened
to try the torch on a 1/2 " x 2 " x 12 " long piece of copper bar
stock. The torch could not hurt this piece at all and this test
opened our eyes to the possibilities of massive copper for resisting
heat.
22"
The first combustion chamber
liner and exhaust nozzle of the motor were made of electrode
graphite. Later the exhaust nozzle was made of copper. An experiment
made in May 1938 at 300 lb. per sq. in. chamber pressure for a period
of one minute showed that the graphite had withstood the temperature,
and the exhaust nozzle throat, which was 0.138 in. diameter, suffered
only an enlargement of 0.015 in.
23. The motor
delivered a thrust of the order of 5 pounds.
In March 1938, A.
Bartocci in Italy published the results of his extensive experiments
of a rocket motor of similar dimensions to ours with cold oxygen
gas
24. His results
were in close agreement with the theoretical analysis which Tsien and
I had made. A report of the first series of experiments with our
apparatus is contained in my doctorate thesis of 1940
25.
In the winter of 1938, Tsien
and I also extended Smiths and my study of the performance of a
sounding rocket to the case of propulsion by successive impulses from
a constant volume solid propellant rocket engine
26. We had
reviewed Goddards 1919 paper on " A Method of Reaching Extreme
Altitudes
27" and decided
to find a mathematical solution for the flight calculation problem,
which Goddard had not carried out. We did this in spite of the
difficult practical problem of devising a reloading mechanism for
such a rocket engine, for at that time no propulsion method could be
discounted.
Parsons and Forman built a
smokeless powder constant-volume combustion rocket motor similar to
the one tested by Goddard. With it they extended Goddards
results
28. To my
knowledge, no practical solution has ever been found for a
long-duration solid-propellant rocket engine using the impulse
technique ; The use of impulses from small atomic explosions has been
considered ; however, no actual tests of such a system have been as
yet reported.
The negative conclusions we
reached as regards the practicability of devising an impulse-system
rocket engine for long duration propulsion made us turn to the study
of the possibility of developing a composite solid propellant which
would burn in a combustion chamber in cigarette fashion. Parsons
decided first to try extending the burning time of the black powder
pyrotechnic sky rocket. He finally constructed a modified black
powder 12 second, 28 lb., thrust rocket unit in 1941
29. The results
of L. Damblanc of France with black powder rockets published in 1935
were known to us
30 .
During the summer of 1938,
Smith began working in the engineering department of the Douglas
Aircraft Co. where he is still employed. Arnold left Caltech for New
York, and completely vanished as far as we were concerned. It was not
until 1959 that I learned that he was a member of the Board of
Trustees of the University of Nevada. We then corresponded until his
death in 1962. Tsien was able to devote less time to the work of the
project, as he was completing his doctorate under von Karman. I
struggled on with Parsons and Forman, little suspecting that in the
next few months, the project would become a full-fledged GALCIT
activity supported financially by the Federal Government.
We also had less time to devote
to rocket research, for we had to support ourselves. Parsons and
Forman took part-time jobs with the Halifax Powder Co. In the
California Mojave Desert, and I began to do some work on problems of
wind erosion of soil with von Karman for the Soil Conservation
Service of the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
The work of the Group on rocket
research at GALCIT, from the beginning, attracted the attention of
newspapers and popular scientific journals. Since our work was not
then classified as " secret ", we were not averse to discussing with
journalists our plans and results. There were times that we were
abashed by the sensational interpretations given of our work, for we
tended to be, if anything, too conservative in our estimates of its
implications.
The fact that our work was
having real impact in America come from two sources. In May, 1938,
von Karman had received an inkling that the U.S. Army Air Corps (now
the U.S.Air Force) was getting interested in rocket propulsion
; however, as I will indicate later, it was only at the end of
the year that we learned what it was.
Then, in August, 1938, Ruben
Fleet, the president of Consolidated Aircrafts Co. of San Diego,
California, approached GALCIT for information on the possibility of
using rockets for assisting the take-off of large aircraft,
especially flying boats. I went to San Diego to discuss the matter,
and prepared a report entitled " The Rocket Motor and its application
as an auxiliary to the Power Plants of Conventional Aircraft
"
31. I concluded
that the rocket engine was particularly adaptable for assisting the
take-off of aircraft, ascending to operating altitude and reaching
high speeds. The Consolidated Aircraft Co. appears to have been the
first American commercial organization to recognize the potential
importance of rocket assisted aircraft take-off. It was not, however,
until 1943 that liquid-propellant rocket engines, constructed by the
Aerojet general Corporation, were tested in a Consolidated Aircraft
Co. flying boat on San Diego Bay.
In October, 1938, a senior
officer of the U.S. Army Ordnance Division paid a visit to Caltech,
and informed our group that on the basis of the Armys
experience with rockets he thought there was little possibility of
using for military purposes !
I had learned during the year
of the REP-Hirsch International Astronautical Prize, which was
administered by the Astronautics Comittee of the
Société Astronomique de France. The Prize was named for
the French astronautical pioneer Robert Esnault-Pelterie (REP) and
the banker rocket-enthusiast of Paris, André-Louis Hirsch
(1900-1962). The prize consisted of a medal and a cash sum of 1000
francs.
The money contributed by Arnold
was rapidly being used up. Therefore I decided to enter the
competition by sending a paper on some of my work in the hope of
augmenting the funds of the Project. I did not learn until 1946, when
in Prague, that the prize had been awarded to me in
1939
32. The outbreak
of the Second World War in Europe had prevented the Astronautics
Committee from notifying me. In 1958, Andrew G. Haley (1904-1966),
then President of the International Astronautical Federation,
arranged for the medal to be presented to me by André-Louis
Hirsch at the IX Th. International Astronautical Congress at
Amsterdam. The prize was then worth a fraction of its former value.
(It turned out that government support of our rocket research was
forthcoming before the contribution of Arnold was spent. When I left
JPL to work at Unesco in Paris in 1946, there were still $300 of the
Arnold fund unspent.)
In December, 1938, after giving
a talk entitled " Facts and Fancies of Rockets " at a luncheon of the
Society of the Sigma XI, I was informed by von Karman, R.A. Millikan
and Max Mason that I was to go to Washington D.C. to give expert
information to the National Academy of Sciences Committee on Army Air
Corps Research. R.A. Millikan and von Karman were members of this
Committee.
One of the subjects on which
Gen. H.A. Arnold, then Commanding General of the Army Air Corps,
asked the Academy to give advice was the possible use of rockets for
the assisted take-off of heavily loaded aircraft. I prepared a report
entitled " Report on Jet Propulsion for the National Academy of
Sciences Committee on Air Corps Research ", which contained the
Following Parts : (1) Fundamental concepts, (2) Classification of
types of jet propulsors, (3) Possible applications of jet propulsion
in connection with heavier-than-air craft, (4) Present state of
development of jet propulsion, and (5) Research program for
developing jet propulsion
33.
The word " rocket " was still
in such bad repute in " serious " scientific circles at this time
that it was felt advisable by von Karman and myself to follow the
precedent of the Air Corps of dropping the use of the word. It did
not return to our vocabulary until several years later, by which time
the word " jet " had become part of the name of our laboratory (JPL)
and of the Aerojet General Corporation.
I presented my report to the
Committee on 28 December, 1938, and shortly thereafter the Academy
accepted von Karmans offer to study with our GALCIT Rocket
Research Group the problem of the the assisted take-off of aircraft,
on the basis of the available information, and to prepare a proposal
for a research program. A sum of $1,000 was provided for this
work.
It is interesting to note that
when Caltech obtained the first governmental support for rocket
research, Jerome C. Hunsaker of the Massachussetts Institute of
Technology, who offered to study the de-icing problem of
windshields,which was then a serious aircraft problem, told von
Karman, " You can have the Buck Rogers job ".
Parsons and Forman were
delighted when I retruned from Washington with the news that the work
we had done during the past three years was to be rewarded by being
given governemnt financial support, and that von Karman would join us
as director of the program. We could even expect to be paid for doing
our rocket research !
Thus in 1939 the GALCIT Rocket
Research Project became the Air Corps Jet Propulsion Research
Project. In 1944 I prepared a proposal for the creation of a section
of jet propulsion within the Division of Engineering at Caltech. It
was decided that it would be premature to do so. Instead, von Karman
and I founded JPL. Of the original GALCIT Rocket Research Group only
I remained at Caltech during the whole period, although Tsien had
returned from M.I.T. in 1943 to work with us again. Parsons and
Forman were employed beginning in 1942 by the Aerojet General
Corporation ; Smith was at the Douglas Aircraft Co. ; and
Arnolds whereabouts were then unknown to us.
In conclusion, I wish to
express my appreciation to William Bollay and A.M.O. Smith for their
help to me during the preparation of this memoir, to Mrs Robert H.
Goddard for granting me permission to quote from my correspondence
with her husband and to Lee Edson for providing me with text from
Th.von Karmans autobiography before its publication.
1.
Prepared for the First International Symposium on the History of
Astronautics, " PRE-1939 MEMOIRS OF ASTRONAUTICS ", organized by the
International Academy of Astronautics with the cooperation of the
International Union of the History and Philosophy of Science at
Belgrade on 25-26 September, 1967.
2.
Guggenheim Aeronautical Laboratory- The First Twenty-Five Years,
Calif. Inst. Of Tech. , Pasadena, 1954 ;
Th. Von Karman
(with Lee Edson), The Wind and Beyond, Little, Brown and Co. Boston,
1967 ; F.L. Wattendorf and F.J. Malina, " Theodore von Karman,
1881-1963 ; Astraonautica Acta, 10, 81 (1964)
3.
E. Sänger, " Neuere Ergebnisse der Rakenflugtechnik ",
Flug-Sonderheft I, H. Pittner, Vienna, 1934
4.
F.J. Malina, " Origins and First Decade of the Jet Propulsion
Laboratory ", Ch. 3 in : The History of Rocket technology , Ed. E.M.
Emme, Wayne State Univ. Press, Detroit, 1964.
5. Th.
Von Karman and F.J. Malina, " Los Comienzos de la Astronautica ",
Ch.1 in : Ciencia y Tecnologia del Espacio, I.N.T.A.E.T., Madrid,
1967.
6.
E. Sänger, " Neuere Ergebnisse der Rakenflugtechnik ",
Flug-Sonderheft I, H. Pittner, Vienna, 1934
7.
" Excerpts from Letters Written Home by Frank J. Malina between 1936
and 1946 ", (unpublished).
8.
M. Lehman, This High Man, Farrar, Straus and Co. , New York, 1963.
p.234
9. R.H. Goddard, " Liquid Propellant
Rocket Developemnt ", Smithsonian Misc. Collections, Vol.XCV,
n°2, 1919.
10. " Excerpts from Letters Written
Home by Frank J. Malina between 1936 and 1946 ",
(unpublished).
11. Th. Von Karman (with Lee
Edson), The Wind and Beyond, Little, Brown and Co. Boston,
1967.
12. R.H. Goddard, " A Method of
Reaching Extreme Altitudes ", Smithsonian Misc. Collections,
Vol.LXXI, n°2, 1919.
13. " Excerpts from Letters Written
Home by Frank J. Malina between 1936 and 1946 ",
(unpublished).
14. F.J. Malina, Rocketry in
California- Plans and Progress of the GALCIT Rocket Research Group ",
Astronautics, n°42, July, 1938, p.3 ; F.J. Malina, H.S.
Tsien,J.W. Parsons, A.M.O. Smith and W. Bollay, " Report of the
GALCIT Rocket Research Project ", Guggenheim Aeronautical Lab.,
Calif. Inst. Of Tech., 1937 (unpublished).
15. F.J. Malina, H.S. Tsien, J.W.
Parsons, A.M.O. Smith and W. Bollay, " Report of the GALCIT Rocket
Research Project ", Guggenheim Aeronautical Lab., Calif. Inst. Of
Tech., 1937 (unpublished).
16. F.J. Malina and A.M.O. Smith, "
Flight Analysis of a Sounding Rocket ", J.Aero Sc., Vol.5, 1938, pp.
199-202.
17. " Excerpts from Letters Written
Home by Frank J. Malina between 1936 and 1946 ",
(unpublished).
18. W.Ley and H. Schaefer, " Les
Fusées Volantes Météorologiques ",
L'Aérophile, Vol.44, 1936, pp. 228-232.
19. F.J. Malina, " Characteristics
of the Rocket Motor Unit Based on the Theory of Perfect Gases ", J.
Franklin Institute, Vol. 230, 1940, pp. 433-454.
20. F.J. Malina and J.W. Parsons,
U.S. Patents 2,573,471 : 2,693,077 ; and 2,774,214. Originally filed
8 May 1943
21. F.J. Malina, " Origins and
First Decade of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory ", Ch. 3 in : The
History of Rocket technology , Ed. E.M. Emme, Wayne State Univ.
Press, Detroit, 1964.
22. A.M.O. Smith, Letter of the
author dated 29 December 1966.
23. F.J. Malina, Rocketry in
California- Plans and Progress of the GALCIT Rocket Research Group ",
Astronautics, n°42, July, 1938, p.3 ; F.J. Malina, H.S.
Tsien,J.W. Parsons, A.M.O. Smith and W. Bollay, " Report of the
GALCIT Rocket Research Project ", Guggenheim Aeronautical Lab.,
Calif. Inst. Of Tech., 1937 (unpublished).
24. A. Bartocci, " La Forza di
Reazioni Nell' Efflusso di Gas ", L'Aerotecnica, March,
1938.
25. F.J. Malina, Doctor's Thesis,
California Institute of Technology, 1940.
26. H.S.Tsien and F.J. Malina, "
Flight Analysis of a Sounding Rocket with Special Reference to
Propulsion by Successive Impulses " J. Aero Sc. Vol. 6, 1938, pp.
50-58.
27. R.H. Goddard, " A Method of
Reaching Extreme Altitudes ", Smithsonian Misc. Collections,
Vol.LXXI, n°2, 1919.
28. F.J. Malina, Rocketry in
California- Plans and Progress of the GALCIT Rocket Research Group ",
Astronautics, n°42, July, 1938, p.3 ; F.J. Malina, H.S.
Tsien,J.W. Parsons, A.M.O. Smith and W. Bollay, " Report of the
GALCIT Rocket Research Project ", Guggenheim Aeronautical Lab.,
Calif. Inst. Of Tech., 1937 (unpublished).
29. F.J. Malina, " Origins and
First Decade of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory ", Ch. 3 in : The
History of Rocket technology , Ed. E.M. Emme, Wayne State Univ.
Press, Detroit, 1964.
30. L. Damblanc " Les Fusées
Autopropulsives à Explosifs ", L'Aérophile, Vol. 43,
1935, pp. 205-209 and 241-247.
31. F.J.Malina, " The Rocket Motor
and its Application as an Auxiliary to the Power Plants of
Conventional Aircraft ", GALCIT Rocket Res. Proj. Rep., n°2, 24
August 1938 (unpublished).
32 . Prix et Médailles
décernés par la Société, Bull. Soc.
Astronomique de France, p. 296, 1939.
33. F.J. Malina, " Report on Jet
Propulsion for the National Academy of Sciences Committee on Air
Corps Research ", (JPL Rep., Misc. N°1), 21 December 1938
(unpublished).
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